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The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether a statistically significant relationship exists between environmental quality, as measured by consumption-related air pollution, and public debt in Europe. In addition, since the debt burden is one of the most important indicators of fiscal soundness within the European Union (EU) Treaty and the subsequent fiscal compact, the authors propose a simple test to determine whether participation in EU Treaties has shaped the empirical relationship between fiscal policy/public debt and environmental performance.

To this end, the authors built a panel data set that covers 24 European countries over the period 1996–2015.

The aspect that the authors want to underline is a possible trade off, which is confirmed in the empirical analysis, between the public finance equilibrium and the maintenance of a public good such as air quality. However, there are important non-linearities that shape the interaction between public debt and environmental pollution. Similarly, threshold effects arise when the authors examine the interaction between EU regulation and public debt and when the authors separately examine high debt and low debt countries. When the authors account for the stabilization rules introduced by EU Treaties, a negative effect on pollution is evident; in this way, fiscal consolidation limits the positive effect of fiscal policy.

The results point out the existence of a potential trade-off between the role of EU as a regulator aiming to mitigate environmental pollution, and its role within the Stability and Growth Pact. The analysis highlights that fiscal consolidation policies, while facilitating the achievement of macroeconomic stability within EU, might have a negative side effect on the environment quality, which spreads beyond the borders of one single country.

While a number of studies have suggested that fiscal spending might contribute to the level of pollution in European countries, there is scant evidence of the effect of public debt on environmental performance. This lack of scientific knowledge is a serious shortcoming, since it may allow for an underrepresentation of the wide-ranging consequences of stabilization programmes targeting the debt-to-GDP ratio, which could affect environmental quality.

This paper aims to contribute to the body of research on job satisfaction as a subjective dimension of the quality of working life. Specifically, it addresses the comparison of job satisfaction between native-born and foreign-born workers in 28 European countries.

A multilevel modelling framework is used for exploring the variability associated with every hierarchical level (individuals constitute the first-level units, combinations country-activity sector are the second-level units and countries are the third-level units).

The country-specific native-migrant gap in job satisfaction displays some heterogeneity across countries when accounting for socio-demographic and job-related characteristics. Country-level factors have a significant effect on job satisfaction score of all resident workers. Nevertheless, they do not moderate significantly the effect of immigrant status on job satisfaction across countries.

The unavailability of data on migrants' country of origin and duration of stay in the host country prevents from exploring in more details the integration issues of migrants.

Job satisfaction of migrant workers, as an indicator of their working conditions, is fundamental for evaluating the degree of social integration of migrants in their host countries

A distinctive trait of this research is the use of the 2013 ad hoc EU-SILC module on subjective well-being, which contains subjective evaluations of the satisfaction with the job as well as with other different life domains. Further distinctive aspects are the investigation of (1) the direct effect of country-level factors on job satisfaction and (2) whether country-level factors mediate the effect of the immigrant status on job satisfaction.

During the last two decades the share of foreign-born residents in Italy has grown considerably, from just over 1 percent to about 8 percent. This chapter seeks to clarify the status of immigrants in Italy by examining the evolution of their economic situation and, in particular, the presence of economic hardship. Poverty is measured by considering not only the usual income-based indicators but also others that take into account households’ real and financial wealth. The picture that emerges is one of a higher incidence of economic hardship among immigrant households that strongly affects the dynamics of poverty nationwide. The economic gap with respect to natives appears to increase in the years considered, but the condition of poverty is not more persistent for immigrants than for Italians.